From absolute misrule to a democratic transition

2022 came to an end and left the disappointment of having been a year of overwhelming political, social and economic instability. The crisis, however, did not begin 12 months ago but 17, barely Pedro Castillo He arrived at the Government Palace to lay the foundations of a family and friendly criminal network with which he eroded meritocracy in the public administration, weakened the balance of powers, made a clean sweep of the institutional framework in the Armed Forces and the National Police, and managed tax coffers as loot.

Five presidents of the Council of Ministers -four of them only in the last 11 months-, more than 70 holders in 18 portfolios, an incessant rotation of officials that has made it impossible to implement planned policies in sensitive sectors such as health or education, the takeover of the public administration –not only with supporters of Peru Libre but also with violent activists linked to Sendero Luminoso and camouflaged in prefectures and ministries such as Education–, social conflicts and an anti-mining message discouraging private investment illustrate the absolute misgovernment in which Castillo It engulfed the country, diminishing the quality of life of the population, diminishing their purchasing power and their access to formal employment, their right to free transit and to live in peace.

All this succession of events recorded over the last 12 months, however, was not enough to convince parliamentarians to support a vacancy motion. Nor were the hate speech and confrontation unleashed by Aníbal Torres from the premiership or the escape under palace protection of some members of the criminal network. Not even the protracted constitutional complaint of the Nation’s prosecutor, Patricia Benavides, against Castillo before the Legislative Power that is still running its course.

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THE CASTLE COUP PLAYER

It was, paradoxically, the professor from Chota who, cornered against the wall by the testimonies of his former collaborators who exposed the rottenness of his government –the last one was Salatiel Marrufo before the Oversight Commission, on December 7–, the one who he gave himself the final blow. He did not even wait for the vote on the third vacancy motion that was scheduled for that same Wednesday afternoon. Frightened, trembling, he announced a coup. He wanted to dissolve Parliament, intervene in the Judiciary, announced elections for a new Congress with the power to draft another Constitution. But the bravado did not prosper thanks to the determined response and adherence to the Constitution of the democratic institutions. The end of the self-proclaimed “president of the people” was then accelerated, who today, with eight tax investigations behind him, is serving 18 months in preventive detention for his failed coup.

Thus, almost at the end of the year, our country was surprised by a precipitous constitutional succession that has placed Dina Boluarte in the country’s first magistracy, not until July 28, 2026, as she anticipated, but until two years before. , July 2024. With her, the 130 congressmen will also leave before their five-year anniversary, who, with their misconduct gone through lukewarm water, coexistence without irritation with ‘Los Niños’ and legislating in some cases for private interests –such as the case of the law against the university reform–, make up one of the most discredited institutions at the national level.

Today, Peru faces a new challenge. Arrive at the general elections in April 2024 with a minimum of political reforms that reduce the risk of repeating the recent crisis. The responsibility falls on Congress and its ability – questioned more than once – to reach consensus for the good of the country, but also on the Executive branch, to navigate this period with relative predictability and social peace.

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