In recent days it was revealed that José Ramiro owns 13 ranches with a total area of close to 600 hectares. According to their asset declaration, the combined value of these properties amounts to more than 8.6 million pesos. The ranches were acquired between 2018 and 2024, just during the six-year term of his brother Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Reports indicate that the purchases were made in cash, which raises serious suspicions about the origin of the resources and the inexplicable growth of their assets.
Pepín was accused of embezzlement and diversion of public resources during his tenure as mayor of Macuspana, through the “Macuspana Siglo XXI” project, financed with a loan managed with Banobras. The resources were not transparent or properly verified. In practice, of the entire project, only the construction of a bridge over the Puxcatán River was partially completed, carried out by a company owned by the favorite contractor of the Workplace: José María Riobóo, husband of Minister Yasmín Esquivel. Nothing was thoroughly investigated.
José Ramiro López Obrador’s wife, Concepción Falcón Montejo, has also been involved in one of the largest municipal corruption scandals in Tabasco. During the 2019-2020 period, Falcón served as Treasury Trustee of the Macuspana City Council, and in September 2020 he presented his resignation along with the mayor and 11 other councilors, amid accusations of embezzlement of more than 200 million pesos. The crisis was of such magnitude that the Congress of Tabasco declared the disappearance of the City Council and appointed an interim municipal council.
Corruption cases involving the López Obrador family are numerous. The eldest son, José Ramón López Beltrán, was the first to exhibit the double discourse of the Workerism last six-year term. His “Gray House” in Houston, Texas, owned by a senior executive of Baker Hughes, a company with million-dollar contracts with Pemex, unleashed one of the biggest scandals during his father’s administration. While López Obrador preached “courageous honesty” and “Franciscan poverty,” his eldest son lived in a luxury mansion linked to the economic power that he promised so much to combat. There were no real investigations or consequences.
The second son, Andy López Beltrán, built a network of influence within the government, placing friends and former schoolmates in strategic positions, including the Secretary of Labor, the head of the SAT and the head of the Assistant to the Presidency. He turned several of his associates into prosperous businessmen through contracts in the federal government and in state governments emanating from Morena. The most notorious case is that of his friend Amílcar Olán, who even received transfers for three billion pesos in an account in Switzerland.
The third son, Gonzalo “Bobby” López Beltrán, has also been accused of managing contracts for the Mayan Train in favor of Olán himself, specifically for the distribution of ballast. The most serious thing is that Andy and Bobby appear in the FGR file on the fiscal huachicol, the mega network of corruption, fuel smuggling, false billing and money laundering.
The former president’s brothers cannot be forgotten either. Pío López Obrador was recorded receiving wads of bills in yellow envelopes from an operator of the then governor of Chiapas, Manuel Velasco, to finance Morena’s political activities. Despite the video evidence, the Prosecutor’s Office exonerated him without conducting a thorough investigation, in an emblematic case of impunity. Martín López Obrador, another of the brothers, was also shown receiving cash, and neither has faced legal consequences.
