HARRISONBURG, United States. — From Fidel Castro to Miguel Díaz Canel Bermúdez, going through a diverse spectrum of Castroites where some stand out for their intelligence and the majority for their mediocrity, there have been multiple leaders of the dictatorship who have been in charge of propagating that the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) is the vanguard political force of our society.
In their eagerness to grant legality to what is a fact alien to our traditions and history from the promulgation of the first mambi constitution to the disastrous coup d’état by Fulgencio Batista, the ideologues of Castroism have come to grant their political organization constitutional rank. .
In the magna carta imposed by the communists is the article 5which in its first paragraph establishes: “The Communist Party of Cuba, unique, Martí, Fidelista, Marxist and Leninist, organized vanguard of the Cuban nation, supported by its democratic character and permanent link with the people, is the leading political force superior of society and of the State”.
Given the repeated pro-government discourse and the aforementioned constitutional precept, these questions are inevitable: What is a vanguard party and what are the facts that allow it to be given that qualification?
A simple logical deduction tells us that a party is vanguard when its action is obviously transformative and revolutionary, solves national problems and does not become entrenched in the reproduction of profoundly ineffective methods.
This transformation must be verified in concrete acts that have the approval of the citizens, since the fact that the vanguard character is granted by the people cannot be ignored, something that can only be measured through democratic elections and has never happened in Cuba. since 1952. Every party projects a revolutionary and transforming image and this possibility can be fully realized when it comes to power by popular mandate. Once there, its transformative projection must be proven and its vanguard status ratified by the people. If the sovereign is deprived of the right to express his acceptance or rejection of the political program that is imposed on him in the name of a party, this is not revolutionary because it goes against an unavoidable element for its validation, the popular will.
Beyond the obvious contradiction in the first paragraph of article 5 of the Castro Constitution, where exclusive concepts such as the ideas of José Martí are mixed with Marxism-Leninism, the Communist Party of Cuba does not have —and has never had— a link standing with the people. Much less has it listened to the popular demand for changes, but has always repressed it. Although he claims to be a Martí supporter, the PCC has forgotten that the Apostle of our independence wrote in the Fourth Base of the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC), that he did not intend to “perpetuate in the Cuban Republic, with new forms or with alterations more apparent than essential, the authoritarian spirit and the bureaucratic composition of the colony, but to found in the frank and cordial exercise of the legitimate capacities of man, a new people and sincere democracy…”.
And the Apostle also wrote in the Fifth Base: “The Cuban Revolutionary Party does not have the objective of leading Cuba to a victorious group that considers the Island as its prey and domain…”.
Despite proclaiming itself a supporter of Martí, the PCC has imposed and perpetuated in our country the authoritarian spirit of the colony and has turned its bureaucracy and the repressive forces that defend its privileges into the only citizens with rights. They are the only ones who have benefited from an exercise of power that has never been granted by the people and have ended up turning Cuba into a prey and domain of their ideology, the same one that the Apostle described as alienating and inappropriate for human development, since it only served to dominate some men over others, as the history of all the countries where it was imposed has shown. For this reason, the PCC cannot be described as a Martian.
Lenin recognized that the avant-garde character of the Bolshevik party would be granted by the people and, furthermore, it would be recognized by its proletarian composition. But even he did not escape the sin of violations of what was presented as an infallible theory. The final touch to the macabre experiment would be given by José Stalin, Mao Zedong, the Khmer Rouge and the socialist constitutional monarchy established by Kim Il Sung, although no self-proclaimed socialist country, including Cuba, escapes the horrors.
Something significant in the case of the only legal party in Cuba is the composition of its highest command structures. After the death of Luis Alberto Rodríguez López Calleja, in the Political Bureau there are 13 members and none of them come from the working class. The only person in this partisan instance that is linked to a productive sector is Marta Ayala Ávila, general director of the Center for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology.
There are six members on the Secretariat, all members of the party bureaucracy.
The Central Committee has 98 members:
- 5 senior government leaders
- 2 senior party leaders
- 18 national level administrative leaders
- 15 administrative leaders of provincial instances
- 20 political leaders of provincial instances
- 5 senior FAR officers
- 4 senior MININT officials
- 1 is a senior leader of the UJC
- 3 rectors of universities
- 4 researchers
- 3 Public Health service workers
- 3 university professors
- 7 leaders of social and mass organizations
- 2 leaders of municipal political instances
- 1 farmer
- 3 journalists
- 1 lawyer
- 1 ambassador
There is not a single worker in the highest levels of the PCC, something that is an obvious contradiction, since it presents itself as the genuine representative of the interests of the working class.
The Party has been incapable of transforming the Cuban economy in more than sixty years of absolute power, a period in which countries more backward than Cuba in 1959, such as Taiwan and Singapore —just to cite two examples— have become prosperous economies.
But the best proof that the PCC is totally conservative and profoundly reactionary is in our undeniable reality, a direct consequence of the application of the ideology it espouses and its economic methods.
OPINION ARTICLE
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