AND
L past 2 of August President Claudia Sheinbaum announced the creation of the Presidential Commission for Electoral Reform, headed by Pablo Gómez, with the commission to carry out the changes that are require
so that democracy responds to the people. The voices that accompany Gomez in the Commission are close collaborators of the presidency, and little can be expected from an active deliberation and in the resolutive direction of such cast.
DESMEMEMORY has been imposed, in this and other matters of the State, to the degree of becoming the substrate of our political exchanges, without to date a satisfactory way of leaving the quagmire has been detected, because in that the presidential initiative to reform the legal and institutional framework with the construction of a new platform of government and social participation has become.
To reject said dissemination and its dire uses constitutes an obligatory starting point of the reformer process convened by the president. That is why we must thank José Woldenberg for his systematic gift, the result of his privileged memory, of recodiatory and relevant notes, more than memiosy, to at least imagine a productive outcome of the tangle in which the cohorts of the four t with their raised initiative and later Revires
to those who raise alternate looks to those of constituted power or simply criticism generally respectful and relevant.
Let’s read Woldenberg: “(…) In 1985 the third federal elections were held after the 1977 political reform. 400 deputies, 300 uninominal and 100 multinominals were then chosen. Nine parties participated. And their results in percentage terms for the deputies of relative major PPS 2.06, PARM 1.74, PMT 1.63, PRT 1.33.
“(…) Only the PRI lowered its percentage when comparing the uninominal track with the multinominal, and this was so because the law established that the party that had won 60 or more districts would not participate in the distribution of the multinominal deputies (…) with those percentages of votes, the PRI won 289 districts, bread 9 and Parm 2 (…) 96.3, 3.0 and .67 percent, respectively. Yes, with 68 percent of the votes 96 percent of the deputies! one hundred of the seats (…)
It should be noted, he points out that all leftist parties integrated their respective parliamentary groups with only deputies by the multinominal route
. (José Woldenberg, Against amnesia
, El Universal, 8/25).
Forty years after those elections (from 1985) it is intended to erase a long history, a path that formally initiated in 1977 but with powerful background in the past mediated and immediate and that has not been exempt from difficulties, sour and complicated negotiations, which has modified the original political overdetermination. From there a system of parties and a competitive electoral life has been built from a basic premise: that the vote has and counts.
This path, with all its deficiencies and excesses, has given rise to competence elections throughout the country that have led to several alternations at all levels of government and that displaced the issue of electoral disputes of the center of the debate and political campaigns. Hence the consolidation of the electoral institution as an instance outside the moods and fluctuations of everyday, reliable, professional and for the same credible politics. And, of course, the affirmation of pluralism through the multinominal representation, which some now see as dead weight, an unnecessary expense, despite having been usufructuaries.
Self -complacency, festive and obsessive insistence on their own ideas, disinterests or inability to hear dissident voices. Myopic vision that disregards the past as a guide to meditate on a desirable and possible future.
For us from the floor; For power from the summit, there is a decision to reaffirm and defend: we want or not a representative republic. From the affirmative, inalienable and impossible mandates of defense of plurality are derived, in its current version to advance to the total proportionality. From the refusal, ominous scenarios of deep polarization and a sustained loss of legitimacy of the constitutional democratic state that we have been able to build arise.
