The house in the Sarratea passage, the one that served Pedro Castillo to hold clandestine meetings with public officials and suppliers, he will no longer be available to the criminal organization that, according to the Prosecutor’s Office, was led by the former coup leader.
Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho – the same one who in 2018 ordered preventive detention against former presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori – ordered the seizure of the five-story building, located in Breña, and owned by fugitive businessman Alejandro Sánchez.
Concepción accepted the request of the special team led by the prosecutor Marita Barreto, who in this way managed to prevent the property from being transferred by the owner to third parties and thus remain in the hands of the State as part of a possible guarantee for future civil compensation.
Prosecutor Kelinda Janampa, in charge of the case, argued before the Judiciary that members of the “political bureau” came to that house to coordinate the acts of corruption that they committed in different levels of the State.
That bureau was headed by Sánchez and made up of businessman Abel Cabrera; the former head of the Advisory Cabinet, Salatiel Marrufo; and the detained mayor of Anguía (Cajamarca), José Nenil Medina.
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According to the investigation, from the house of Sarratea, for example, the appointment of Jaqueline Perales Olano from Cajamarca was arranged as general manager in the National Superintendence of State Assets (SBN), which took place on September 16, 2021.
The effective collaborator 03-2022 said that Perales was placed in that position “with the purpose of being able to direct the sanitation of land in favor of people close to Alejandro Sánchez Sánchez.”
The SBN is a strategic entity, since it manages the State’s land. Salatiel Marrufo acknowledged that the businesswoman Sada Goray was granted 90 hectares in Chilca in exchange for the S/4 million in bribes that she gave him for Castillo Terrones.
Another of the orders that came out of that house was the appointment of Auner Vásquez as head of the Technical Office of Advisors to the Presidency of the Republic.
According to the investigation, Vásquez supported the coordination with the Ministry of Economy to obtain financing for the works contemplated in Emergency Decree 102-2021. In that DU, precisely, the “political bureau” directed 34 works that together reached S / 130 million investment.
But the participation of the former Castillo official did not end there. Prosecutor Janampa identified that Vásquez received visits in the Palace from representatives of the Lenus SAC company, which, during the Castillo administration, won seven tenders in a consortium in the municipalities of Cajamarca, Amazonas and Loreto.
The owner of Lenus is Leyder Nuñez Sigueñas, who is the nephew of Fermín Silva, the owner of the La Luz clinic and a friend of the former head of state. That closeness to the government would have helped him to win projects that together exceeded S/33 million.
Of the 34 DU projects, five of them were for the town of Anguía, whose mayoral authority was the investigated José Nenil Medina.
Marrufo, for his part, intervened so that two million-dollar works from Cumba, in the Amazon region, were included in the decree.
In the house of Sánchez Sánchez, in addition, the organization charts of different ministries and the proposal for appointment in the Armed Forces were found.
“It is inferred that in the aforementioned place (Sarratea’s house) there would have been surreptitious meetings between the members of the criminal organization with the purpose of taking over personnel and favoring their environment,” alleged the Public Ministry.
With these arguments, Judge Concepción concluded that this property would have been used for “the criminal pact” of the organization headed by Castillo.
Keep in mind
-According to the Prosecutor’s Office, Alejandro Sánchez financed the presidential campaign of Pedro Castillo with more than half a million soles and sought to generate profits, by way of retribution, when he came to government.
-José Nenil Medina paid more than a million soles that he would have obtained as a result of the corruption of works carried out in Anguía, according to prosecutors. Abel Cabrera, along these lines, would have contributed half a million soles.