Julio Hernández López: Shipyard

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the media have constituted one of the almost untouched subjects in the Mexican processes of reformism. Profitably intertwined the interests of the dominant politicians in the period prior to 2018 with those of traditional journalistic entrepreneurs, the loom of corruption and mutual support did not need any testing: it worked splendidly for both parties.

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has tried to change at least the dependency relationship that had historically been maintained, especially with the large open television firms (Televisa and Televisión Azteca, the relationship with the former being more tense than with the latter). The morning has been the great mechanism of change in the correlation of forces: the National Palace no longer needs the help of the big media to spread their message and set the political agenda of the day.

In addition, the inhabitant of the National Palace has maintained a continuous confrontation with relevant figures of that network of complicities, not with ordinary journalists but with those he sometimes calls with the word bruise (big boss, boss, according to the report of regional locutions made by the Universidad Juárez Autónoma de Tabasco https://bit.ly/3I9A1Ae).

The recent episode of discussion about the house in Houston in which the López-Adams spouses lived has accelerated this confrontation, shaking certain middle and high-level socioeconomic sectors due to the affectation of fiscal secrecy and allowing media elites offended by the Andresian politicians believe that the time has come to settle accounts, headed by the regression binomial made up of Mexicans against Corruption and Impunity, the virtual coordinator of the 2024 campaign of the opponents of AMLO, Claudio X. González, and the tip media spearhead of the Salinista-madracista project, Carlos Loret de Mola.

To this native media outcry has been added, in an understandable way, the representation apparatus of international media business interests: as if before there had been true freedom of expression in Mexico, they issue press releases libertarians; as if the painful list of civilian deaths and, among them, of journalists, were an exception caused so far in the six-year term, they put vigilantes.

Along with other factors (American powers, on the front line), journalism intends to be used by its usual sulliers, and by the letterheads that protect them, to generate uncertainty and seek the bending of the project called 4T that, with its ups and downs and chiaroscuro , has hurt those interests.

The way is clear for Morena (that is, the outgoing governor, Carlos Joaquín, and the mafia ecologist headed by Jorge Emilio González, anachronistically called the green boy) I win the gubernatorial election in Quintana Roo. Citizen Movement knocked down, with just reasons, the soap opera actor Roberto Palazuelos and enabled the morenista senator José Luis Pech as a relief of apparent low competitive profile. Mara Lezama now has everything to add to the list of women who reached governorships through the icing on the cake.

And, meanwhile, stealthily, bloodlessly and with an ironic air similar to a movie scene from The Godfather the recent weekend was arrested in Culiacán José Bryan Zepeda Salgueiro, nicknamed The youngermember of a family allegedly associated with the Sinaloa cartel and, according to the first versions, compadre of Ovidio Guzmán, the son of El Chapo who was arrested and released in the capital of Sinaloa in a judicial and military episode that has not yet been completed. See you tomorrow, with the reports from the Superior Audit of the Federation as a new reason for political and media polarization at the state and federal levels!

Twitter: @julioastillero

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