In the halls of United States Congress The will to give birth to give birth to a new law that supplants the void left by tax incentive programs for textile exports, defeated on September 25. Those programs –Hope (Haitian Hemiscpheric Opportunity Through Partnership Encouragement) and Help (Haiti Economic Lift Program) – They opened breath cracks for the free zones of Haiti, largely held by Dominican investment that knew how to insert itself into the value chain.
Among the ongoing initiatives, some have already advanced in the US Congress.: The Help Extension Act in the House of Representatives, presented by Congressman Greg Murphy, and the Help Extension Act into the Senate, introduced by Bill Cassidy, Rick Scott, Raphael Warnock and Dick Durbin. More recently, “the Hope for Haitian Prosperity Act of 2025, subjected on September 8.
Can read: What will be the measures to end Hope/Help end
Today, with the UN resolution that drives a mission destined to remove the scourge of criminal gangs at the root, that interest comes back to the most force, such as the grill that finds a conducive wind.
There are levers that can mobilize the process. One of them is Marco Rubiowho, from his status as legislator, always supported the initiatives that sought to give continuity to these programs and that now, becoming head of US diplomacy and forced to lead the fulfillment of the UN resolution over Haiti, has even more reasons to prevent that nation from being devoid of incentives for the creation of jobs in this unpublished stage of its history.
Rubio himself reaffirmed him on Wednesday: “The United States maintains its commitment to collaborate with international interested parties to support Haiti’s path to peace, stability and democratic governance. We call on nations so that they join us in this crucial effort.” Thus, two powerful currents are intertwined: that of the order that is sought to be restored and that of the economy that longs to be reborn. Both converge in the same channel, called to return the pulse of hope to Haiti.
It is true that fiscal incentives to textile free zones were born and grew with limitations, as the investment was mostly concentrated in a single business group – Group M/CODEVI – whose contribution to employment has known increases and descents.
The prominence of this group is explained for several reasons: its strategic commitment to vertical integration in the textile industry, the financial support received from international institutions such as the International Financial Corporation (IFC), and the successful management of contracts with recognized global brands such as Levi’s, Gap, Hanes and Fruit of the Loom.
There are no weight reasons that justify the absence of other investors. A new fiscal incentive law could open the door to measures that facilitate the entry of new actors, capable of moving development threads as well as Group M.
Thus, the jobs generated in Haiti – stated between 10,000 and 15,000 under the expired programs – could multiply, sustained in the echo of a new law that sounds like a bell, announcing work and dignity, while the scaffolding of a plan that rescues the nation from chaos is raised.
