#GuestColumn |  Morena: presidential election between anarchy in the states

#GuestColumn | Brunette: from movement to (give birth to) a party

One of his strongest “corcholatas” heading for the candidacy for the Presidency, barely affiliating, after having passed through five parties already; one more that he decides not to participate complaining that there is exclusion and little chance of seeing his team win. Some of his most media figures denouncing the bad practices of his own co-religionists, carrying out “raccoon hunting” brigades. Leaders carrying (carrying?) their clients: budding structures, others more consolidated. That said, they are not the expected features.

The party that served as a vehicle for the most voted president in history suffers from a lack of militants. If as of September 2020 it had 466,931 affiliates accredited to the INE, now it is presumed that it could reach up to three million, derived from these two election days.

But in this search for structures, the risk is, effectively, to exclude the founders and convinced militants. What do the calls from PRD leaders, such as Octavio Ocampo from Michoacán, mean to its members not to interfere in the internal process of Morena? Another risk that sounds like innovation: the baby census. Morena allowing young people between 15 and 17 years old to participate by presenting their school identification.

The national leader, Mario Delgado, had planned that the process would be open to the entire population. Given that Morena is “the most democratic party” (sic), anyone could attend. It was even said that one could vote even by presenting the credential that between 2007 and 2008 he accredited as a representative of the “legitimate government”. The Electoral Court of the Judicial Power of the Federation (TEPJF) prevented it, but allowed the affiliation on-site.

Every party requires certain basic features of institutionalization. Morena has been relegating the first steps for its consolidation, perhaps relying on the great electoral influence that its founder has, but it cannot be lasting. He stuck to López Obrador’s objectives: he had to renew his internal organs since 2015, but he preferred to prioritize the 2018 elections; he tried it in 2019, but the irregularities were of such magnitude that the TEPJF had to annul the process. Delay.

Less than two years before the presidential election, Morena looks weakened by her internal conflicts. He is a barn of leadership, groups, fractions, currents incapable of competing in a democratic contest. The party that is ready to serve its founder disobeys when it comes to gaining future power. There is no doubt that there are very lacerating births where even subsistence is put at risk.


Publisher’s note: The author is a political scientist. Doctor in Political Processes. Professor and researcher at UCEMICH. Specialist in political parties, elections and government policy.

The opinions in this article are the sole responsibility of the author.

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