L
a historical truth
it was a cover-up. It was produced by torturing 77 people, fabricating a crime scene, and spending millions of pesos to produce a movie, at least three books, and hundreds of media opinions. They tried to cover up three truths with this monumental display of lies: that there was no difference between organized crime and the municipal and state police of Guerrero; that the students of the Isidro Burgos Normal School were detained and then divided into groups, killed, their bodies cut up, and the remains distributed at various points in the city of Iguala itself; finally, hide that the Army had participated in all that monstrosity.
The first lie of the then prosecutor Jesús Murillo Karam, today in prison, and Tomás Zerón, the person in charge of criminal investigations in the country, today a fugitive in Israel, was to assure that the normalistas had sought their outcome for being involved with a criminal group. Thus, as in a modeled version of the massacre of October 2, 1968, it was argued that it was a confrontation between Reds Y United Warriors. It has been proven that the normalistas had nothing to do with organized crime and, as an example, today it can be read in the report of the president of the Ayotzinapa Case Commission, that all the telephone messages of the students the night of their disappearance They are between students. On the contrary, those of the municipal police are with leaders of organized crime from United Warriors. The historical truth
tried to hide the existence of an elite group of police from Iguala, Huitzuco and Cocula called The Warlike, which were already an intermediate body between the police authority and the hired killers. Its existence clearly indicates that in Ángel Aguirre’s Guerrero, the police were already an armed wing of organized crime, and not the other way around. It is not that the police delivered
to the young people of 16, 17 years to the drug traffickers, but they were under their orders. That night, between September 26 and 27, 2014, almost half of the total number of police officers from Huitzuco and the municipal police from Cocula traveled, without there being an official order, only the communication of United Warriors. The action of the state and federal police responds to the same order. After September 27, once United Warriors receives from a character in Mexico City who is identified as the A1 the certainty that everything is going to get cold fast
the relationship is broken and the criminals end up in the hands of the other criminals, those of the authority of the government of Peña Nieto, Murillo and Zerón, to, tortured, confess what they are told: that they incinerated the boys in the garbage dump of Cocula and dispersed the remains in the San Juan River.
The second lie historical truth
it is precisely that the normalistas had been taken together, all 43, to be cremated in a garbage dump. Since March, the Interdisciplinary Group of International Experts, the GIEI, had presented a video found during the opening, ordered by López Obrador, of the Navy archives: it shows how the Attorney General of Murillo and Zerón spread bags and light a fire, hours before forensics show up. What we saw was the fabrication of a crime scene, even before those tortured from United Warriors They will point it out. For those of us who still remember the debates about whether or not it was possible for 43 human bodies to be incinerated on a rainy night, the video resulted in one more of the gaps in that truth that Murillo Karam gave to turn the page, to live through
the tragedy –as Enrique Peña Nieto said in December 2014 and January 2015– with a manufactured lie that put the Mexican police and Army safe. Because, according to Annex 8 of the report, the 43 disappeared did not leave Iguala: some were cremated and others were probably taken to the 27th Army Battalion, where the relatives of the boys went to try to look for them. They met a soldier who, with a half smile, silently responded to the father of the family who asked him: Where are they? Where do they have them?
The third lie was that the Army was not involved. He considered Normal Isidro Burgos a counterinsurgency target. He had her spied on with the Israeli program pegasus. We now know that he had real-time knowledge of the shooting, the arrests, and the disappearances. Not only the military from Iguala, but also those from Chilpancingo, the Guerrero military zone and, probably, the Secretary of Defense. Also, the CISEN of the Secretary of the Interior of Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, in charge of Eugenio Ímaz. The Army had three infiltrators following the activities of the students of the rural normal school. One of them, Julio López Patolzin, was disappeared without the institution to which he belonged lifting a finger to rescue him. Others, like Captain José Martínez Crespo, dedicated himself to asking for identification from students seeking medical help at the Cristina Clinic. But the military had a prominent role in covering up the disappearances. Colonel José Rodríguez Pérez appears in the communications of the criminals as the one who is going to guarantee them a place to take the packages
–it hurts that name that they give to the captured youths– and that we presume is the barracks of the 27th Battalion. In the end, just as the security authority is mixed with organized crime, the military counterinsurgency ends up confused with the cover-up.
As in the case of other atrocities committed by the authorities in past decades, the question of motive will always have nebulous answers. If we think, for example, that the massacre of students who were going to commemorate the disappeared normalistas, that of October 2, 1968, was motivated by the fact that President Díaz Ordaz and his Secretary of the Interior, Luis Echeverría, wanted to end the protests 10 days of the Olympics or that the reason for the governor of Guerrero Rubén Figueroa Alcocer to have 17 coffee farmers assassinated on June 28, 1995 was: The government cannot bow to intolerance
So the motives for Ayotzinapa may be just as vague. Attempts have been made to give 68 the content of the fight for the presidential succession and the Aguas Blancas massacre with drug trafficking in the hands of Figueroa’s military advisers, Acosta Chaparro and Quiroz Hermosillo. Ayotzinapa is attributed as the reason for the fifth bus, which supposedly carried millions of dollars in heroin, taken by chance in the appropriations of the students. In any case, to understand Ayotzinapa is to understand the disdain for the victims and the certainty that the authorities have, that Murillo Karam had, that the truth was what he decided.
