The journalist César Hildebrandt expresses in its column of its seminar a deep indignation and “repulsion” towards the current political landscape of Peru. He begins his criticism by pointing out the moral conflict he feels when loving his country, although sometimes he overcomes “disobedience” to reality.
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Hildebrandt describes the crisis, Starting with the Government of Dina Boluarte and their appointments. It generates “Nausea” the presentation of the new Chief of the Police, whom he identifies as a well -known promoter of the “paranoia and inventor of communist conspiracies.” Complicity extends to party policy, mentioning the former Minister of Justice, Juan José Santiváñezwhich renounces to join the ranks of “Alliance for Progress, the Gánster Acuña party”.
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The columnist sentence that political dirt has achieved “perfection”: “The president lies, the Congress Hies, the TC Chorrea, the JNJ is violet, the prosecution has cholera.” This degradation has made national politics a state of “serious, Vallejiana” disease.
He argues that the root of the problem is an institutional kidnapping perpetrated by a criminal organization and that the press, far from denouncing, “portrays as if it were a square photographer,” failing to say the truth: “Peru has been kidnapped by a vast organization that is intended to be perpetuated through the domain of the institutions that guaranteed (more or less) the plural game of democracy.”
Democratic institutions and contrast have been “taken” and the objective is to impose “monotony” and get used to humiliation. The journalist emphasizes that what reigns is not the oclocracy (government of the ignorant mass), but the installation of organized crime in power. “It is that the underworld has installed in the very center of the decisions and in the neon covachas of the repressive apparatus. It is the government of the aka,” he writes.
It also regrets the moral deterioration of the country, stating that “this is not Peru of my loves” and that the nation has lost the “essential inclination for virtue.” The current catastrophe is the direct result of inaction and citizen passivity. “This is the country that we have let ourselves be taken to tolerances, civic cowardice and silences,” he denounces.
This tolerance allowed “theft, cynicism, the conversion of politics into a reduction market,” resulting in a “pigsty” where impunity prevails. As examples of this impunity, he mentions the alleged collapse of serious corruption cases and the case of Gonzalo Monteverde: “The conclusion is that they catch the monster but Gonzalo Monteverde, Odebrecht’s testaferro, remains far and unpunished thanks to the fact that he has a caste lawyer.”
In addition to allowing Fujimorismo to continue corrupting, society accepted that Acuña founded educational institutions. The latter is aggravated by the action of Congress to protect these interests: “And we even accept that the MSPA Congress changed to SUENDU when Acuña’s ‘academic’ work could be in danger of being supervised.”
Hildebrandt concludes his reflection with an existential bitterness note. He feels part of an “old failure”, without the excuse of historical inexperience, but refuses to leave the country. Despite his desire not to live in this reality, age prevents him from escape, and decides to stay to fight: “And here they have me: fighting a battle probably lost and, therefore, more worthy than any other to get rid. Fighting her with the enthusiasm and madness that they have saved me from dying inside.”
His permanence is an act of resistance and personal dignity, a moral struggle against corruption that, although destined for failure, is essential for its inner survival.
