Research
On May 25, at nine in the morning, in the office of prosecutor Karla Zecenarro Monge, the transcription of the audio of the conversation between Zamir Villaverde García and the former Minister of Transport and Communications John Silva Villegas, on November 4, 2021, as stated in the minutes signed and sealed by the prosecutor in the case.
In the same document to which La República had access, there is also evidence of recognition of the voice of Zamir Villaverde and former minister Juan Silva, who, at said meeting, He received “a hundred grand” or US$100,000 from the businessman as an alleged bribe. It is presumed that Villaverde himself, as part of the effective collaboration process, gave the prosecutor the audio of November 4, 2021.
The record of the transcription and the voice recognition confirm that the recording exists and that it appears in the file of the investigation of the prosecutor Karla Zecenarro, who forwarded the document to the National Prosecutor, Pablo Sánchezso that it proceeds according to its attributions.
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Therefore, the version is false according to which the audio transcript of the dialogue between Juan Silva and Zamir Villaverde “is not official”, or that it was a “fabrication” to attribute false charges against the former Minister of Transport and Communications. much less the Public ministry has denied the authenticity of the transcript.
The document is legitimate and its content confirms what the effective collaborators and witnesses have revealed to the prosecutor Karla Zecenarro, such as the close link between Juan Silva and Zamir Villaverde, and that he negotiated the million-dollar public works contracts of the agencies Provías Nacional and Decentralized Providers.
The dialogue also confirms that Zamir Villaverde was in contact with Chinese construction companies and its Peruvian partners, those who allegedly paid bribes to obtain privileged contracts, a version that was first delivered by the effective collaborator karelim lopez.
Conversation between Zamir Villaverde and Juan Silva splashes the Government of Pedro Castillo. Photo: composition by Jazmín Ceras/La República.
Between August and December 2021, at the time that Juan Silva and Zamir Villaverde held clandestine meetings, both in his MTC office and in the former’s apartment, the construction companies promoted by Villaverde were awarded 7 projects for S/ 804.5 millions.
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In the conversation with Silva, Villaverde mentions that a couple of contracts with “two Chinese” were on the way, which actually happened.
The audio transcript confirms the following relevant facts:
1. ″My dear Juanito”
Since Karelim López and other witnesses, such as former MTC official José Cortegana, told prosecutor Zecenarro that Juan Silva and Zamir Villaverde knew each other, and that they frequented each other in the ministerial office or in Silva’s department, Silva repeatedly denied it. He went so far as to say that Villaverde did not appear in the entry records to the ministerial office. The audio is a torpedo to the waterline of the former minister’s defense. Silva and Villaverde’s relationship also compromises President Pedro Castillo, because the two characters were part of their environment.
2. “I know, but don’t be so screwed, calm down”
Karelim López said: “The president manages that organization (in the MTC) and he manages it with his former minister (Juan Silva). He has always managed it hand in hand with his nephews”. In the transcript of the conversation, at no time does Juan Silva reject Villaverde’s proposals to favor the construction companies that he represents. Rather he advises him and gives him instructions. And much less he rejects the delivery of the “one hundred grand”, or US $ 100 thousand, that Villaverde gave him in cash. On the contrary, Silva suggests that he be careful when transferring money: “Be careful, so I won’t see your name everywhere.” And he asks him not to be in a hurry, that everything would be fine.
3. “Henry tells me that he is already investing, that you insure him”
Silva was not only informed that Zamir Villaverde represented construction companies interested in obtaining contracts through illegal mechanisms. The former minister also had his own recommendations, with whom Villaverde worked.
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4. “This coming week (more tenders) are coming out, those are really big ones, (out of) 265 (million)”
Villaverde was not bragging. Indeed, what he told Silva happened, who was aware of the manipulated hiring. In the week following the meeting between Silva and Villaverde, two contracts were signed: Corridor Humajalzo-Mazocruz (November 8), for S/ 116.5 million, and Corridor Sondo-Vado Grande (November 9), for 125.4 million. The first was won by the Engineering Integration and Projects (INIP) and China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation consortium, and the second, by the same consortium, whose companies that were part of it had links with Zamir Villaverde García.
5. “This is a present, a sign”
Villaverde delivered US$ 100 thousand to Silva, on behalf of the company Tableros y Puentes SA (Tapusa), for the contract that Provías Descentralizado granted him for the construction of the Tarata III Bridge. Tapusa was presented in a consortium with HB Metallic Structures and Termirex. Karelim López, who was related to Termirex, had informed the Prosecutor’s Office that Villaverde contacted Luis Pasapera Adrianzén, brother of the owners of the construction company, to offer him contracts. The audio confirms Villaverde’s relationship with the consortium. Villaverde’s revealing phrase is: “Tapusa’s friends have sent a present for you. A hundred grand for you. This is a small one -they still don’t charge anything-, but it’s a good sign present, isn’t it? It is the first one that they have sent me from Tarata. They sent it to me with everything and suitcase. This is the first management we have achieved”.
investigated. Zamir Villaverde is serving preventive detention in the Ancón I Prison. Photo: diffusion
6. “I’m going to put it in its place”
When the former director of National Provias José Cortegana Salazar declared to the authorities that former Minister Juan Silva summoned him to his office, upon arrival he found him together with Zamir Villaverde. Silva denied Cortegana alleging that he was resentful because he had fired him from office. But in the audio, Villaverde complains about Cortegana because he had allegedly appeared before the Chinese construction companies offering his services. “This gentleman (Cortegana) presents himself as an adviser to the Vice Minister (of Transportation) with Chinese companies,” Villaverde tells Silva: “That leg is a danger, Cortegana, Don Juan.” “I’m going to put it in his place,” Silva replies. Cortegana told the truth about the link between Silva and Villaverde.
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7. “I talk to Chinese companies”
Karelim López and other effective collaborators told prosecutors Karla Zecenarro and Luz Taquire that Villaverde informed former Minister Juan Silva about companies interested in entering the game. They were INIP, the Aguilar Quispe brothers, and 3 Chinese construction companies. “I speak with the Chinese companies Civil (China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation), Eyes (perhaps China Railway No. 10 Engineering Group or China Railway Tunnel Group), Tapusa (Decks and Bridges), Termirex (of the Pasapera Adrianzén brothers) , INIP (Project Integration Engineering, by the Aguilar Quispe brothers), Incox… Everybody will talk, oh… They don’t know who I coordinate with… The only thing they know is that, as they know me, they say, well, well”, explains Zamir Villaverde to Silva. Roberto Aguilar Quispe, owner of INIP, indicated that he did not know Zamir Villaverde. The audio confirms the involvement of the Aguilar Quispe brothers in the corruption plot. Remember that, on January 13 of this year, Congressman Raúl Doroteo Carbajo received Álex Aguilar Quispe, another of INIP’s owners, in his office, accompanied by the representative in Peru of China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation, Li Qingyong, a of the companies that won the most contracts in the management of Juan Silva. Karelim López gave the Prosecutor’s Office a list of these construction companies, which Zamir Villaverde represented. The audio confirms the link.
8. “Nowadays these days (the bids) are coming out for these two Chinamen”
Other crucial information contained in the tax transcript of the dialogue between Juan Silva and Zamir Villaverde is related to the following arranged contracts, aimed at favoring Chinese companies. Effective collaborators, including karelim lopez, pointed out that Villaverde was the one who negotiated directly with Asian businessmen. In the conversation, Villaverde left no doubt about his involvement and assured Silva that they would also pay. “So, Juancito, this is a sign (money) from the friends of the first friend. Already in these days these two Chinamen come out and also a signal (money). What a sign! It’s not normal. I can’t come like this anymore (ha ha ha) (referring to the suitcase with cash). Nice to meet you, John.” After the meeting on November 4, 2021, the contracts effectively came out for the benefit of China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation, on November 8, for S/ 116.5 million, and on November 9; with the same company, another for S/ 125.4 million; and with China Railway Tunnel Group, on December 9 and 30, for S/ 51.9 million and S/ 180.5 million, respectively. Villaverde was effective. Silva, too.
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9. “Fray tells me now, now, now”
Zamir Villaverde had denied friendly relations with Fray Vásquez Castillo, nephew of the head of state. Effective collaborators mentioned that Vásquez and Villaverde used to meet in the former’s apartment in Magdalena. Villaverde alleged that their relationship was limited to renting vehicles from them. But the transcript shows that he was in permanent contact with Fray Vásquez Castillo: “Those friendships do interest us, therefore, don Juancito, ratify it. I also sent Fray Vásquez to him, and he tells me now, now, now. But I think organic weighs more.” Yes, there was direct contact with the nephew of President Castillo.
10. “He can help us in everything that is intelligence”
Zamir Villaverde took full advantage of his friendly relationship with former Minister Juan Silva to infiltrate his accomplices in the state apparatus. Silva agreed to intercede with other ministers to locate those recommended by his friend Villaverde. “Don Juancito, do you have an appointment with the Minister of the Interior?” Villaverde asks Silva. “No, but I will, friend,” replies the former minister. “What happens is that I have a great friend, Lizandrito Quiroga. (…) My friend, Vice Minister Óscar Gonzáles Rabanal, has all the resolution (…) so that my friend can be superintendent (of) Sucamec (National Superintendence of Control of Security Services, Weapons, Ammunition and Explosives for Civil Use ). (…) To sign the resolution (of appointment) that the vice minister already has. Let the minister sign it so that my friend is named as Sucamec,” says Villaverde. Silva replies: “I’m going to talk to you today,” he promises. Villaverde recommends it: “That leg can help us in everything that is intelligence, an intelligence that finds out against us or with someone, he neutralizes it.” Quiroga was head of operations for the Villaverde security company, Vigarza. But Quiroga was also in Pedro Castillo’s presidential campaign. Full service.
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