With the decision to participate in the parliamentary and governor elections, the First Justice and the opposition division is specified, in a national scenario that is much more indifferent than some politicians suppose
One of the currents of the Venezuelan opposition, headed by Henrique Capriles and Manuel Rosales, has agreed an agreement with the authorities of the Bolivarian Revolution to guarantee their participation in the coming parliamentary and governors elections of May 2025. Even despite what happened on July 28, 2024.
Capriles integrates a iron as a candidate for deputy under the umbrella of a new time, in an agreement in which they are also present leaders such as Stalin González, Tomás Guanipa, Henri Falcón, Pablo Pérez, Felipe Mujica or Luis Emilio Rondón. Rosales is the letter best known as a candidate for governor.
Within the Venezuelan opposition there is a new break, which has as its epicenter the interpretation around the current utility of the vote, probably stimulated by the ruling party, which in any case leaves things more or less equal to how they were: a large majority still sympathizing with the postulates of María Corina and González Urrutia; And this emerging group of moderate sectors, interested in the demarcation with the unit platform, which want to leave Machado’s time behind looking for new developments in an electoral care.
The postulates of Capriles and Rosales find civil support in organizations as decides, recently presented to the public, in which a kind of public faith renewal of the vote is made as a political instrument.
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In a new time it is assumed that the distancing with the platform is temporary, but many of its leaders think it is important to find some path of coincidences with the parties that can still do politics in the country. Some of their leaders believe that it is necessary to advance some relaxation policy with the ruling party, waiting for better opportunities to consider a power project.
The decision to participate in these elections has also completed the First Justice division: Capriles and their internal followers had been questioning the current national direction of the party, making statutory observations, demanding measures against the current stagnation, and proposing “a new course”, presumably to transcend the situation of July 28.
The National Electoral Council admits the collections of a new time and the Henrique Capriles voter card, but veto the possibility of participating in organizations such as the Movement for Venezuela, belonging to the platform, led by Simón Calzadilla and Andrés Caleca, who accompanied the candidacy of Edmundo González, but they did not want to give up the electoral strategies of popular mobilization. They are also on the outside of particularly moderate games in their procedures, such as the MAS, and centered, directed by Enrique Márquez and today is in prison.
The ruling is placing the new limits of the political exercise of the country. In the electoral consultations of the Chavista institutionality, the extreme limit of the opposition is this. Nobody in Venezuela is able to guarantee that a scenario such as July 28 will not be repeated, but planted electoral calisthenics can return some calories of relevance and popularity to politicians who do not know their best moments in terms of power of call.
“In his conversations with the Capriles government he tried to convince Jorge Rodríguez to allow the movement for Venezuela to participate, and Chavismo always refused,” says a source close to this party that has preferred to keep his name in the reserve. “They want to cut off any policy that gives continuity to Machado’s claims, or return the debate to those days.”
The uncertainty about the institutional behavior of the CNE is very high, and therefore, the margin of maneuver of Capriles, Rosales and company is narrow and slippery in this circumstance.
It is true that the electoral appointment occurs in a scenario of extreme political weakness for the PSUV. For some observers it would not be difficult for the ruling party to allow the opposition to occupy some spaces and offer an image of amplitude in front of their critics. That scenario would only be completed if the ruling manages to move its militancy acceptably, an event that is yet to be seen.
The ruling party has publicly evidenced, on several occasions, its contempt for Henrique Capriles and Manuel Rosales and the rest of the opposition estate. Rosales, Capriles, Florido, González, Guanipa, can eventually be elected, and then they could be threatened, harassed, questioned, fenced, raided and eventually removed, to go out the back door with some institutional lever of the revolutionary universe. It happens to the opponents, and sometimes also to the Chavistas. It has happened permanently in the last 25 years.
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*Journalism in Venezuela is exercised in a hostile environment for the press with dozens of legal instruments arranged for the punishment of the word, especially the laws “against hatred”, “against fascism” and “against blockade.” This content was written taking into consideration the threats and limits that, consequently, have been imposed on the dissemination of information from within the country.
