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your lies, lies, jokes, blunders, shouting, coups, colonized positions including that of anti-homeland and absence of arguments – except those of some isolated voices – the Mexican right adds physical violence. That violence that was always present in the governments he presided over and that he now tries to forget and that we forget. But, masked, it has offered and offers the opposite of what violent modes mean: the management of democratic actions, building genuine freedoms and egalitarian satisfactions, which is only possible in conditions of peaceful coexistence and from a concomitant praxis. It is a right that is morally hypocritical and politically unacceptable, except to show it for what it is and, everything indicates, it will not cease to be.
Talking about the right in Mexico forces us to ask where it is. Shouldn’t everything he says, too often in bad faith, and what he does with harmful intent (in no way should the recent attacks on former President López Obrador be overlooked), should not be the subject of critical statements within the right itself? ? It should, but it doesn’t happen that way.
With their silence, the judges who today demand autonomous administration of justice only as a crude excuse to defend their privileges become complicit in such atrocities; the circles of lawyers organized in bar associations and educational institutions; those of national and foreign businessmen in their union organizations, with the visible exception of those that have been defined with the 4T; those attached to civil organizations whose management is also in business hands; the journalists of the corporate media whose owners, fundamentally, are businessmen (not even to give them a free press flavor); certain clerics and dignitaries of the Catholic Church; the circles of intellectuals that practice unilateral criticism, counter-popular rowing and even interventionism. And, of course, although it may sound laughable to say it, the militants of the opposition parties, if there was even a minimum of consistency with their invocations of democracy.
The government of Venezuela recently held an international meeting on fascism, given the violent conditions and war that result in destabilizing attempts by those countries that resist the attacks of capitalist powers and their national extensions in different countries and regions of the planet. In Mexico, despite the verbal and physical violence, one cannot speak of a fascist tendency, if by fascism one understands the militarized corporatism of the working masses and their periphery, as a State policy. And not even from an extreme right, which we have had: in the Cristeros of the 20th century and the pro-imperial conservatives of the 19th. But the eggs of violence can be hatched by the vultures of those powers that have always sponsored and sponsored the right. And we must guard against this.
The Mexican left in power is new and drags practices and ideas from the right that has been governing the country for long decades. It is not a socialist or communist left as the right wants to make it out to be. It is a liberal left that governs a capitalist society, and this offers serious limitations to the attempt – if there is one – to overcome this regime, since it is absurd to combat neoliberalism, its current expression, without combating capitalism. And the culture of self-criticism, whose need to maintain and develop its ethical and political lines Fernando Buen Abad speaks, has not yet been considered by its leadership or by the bulk of its militancy. Rather, it rejects what is produced within itself, sometimes with greater rigor than the manipulative complaints of the opposition right.
Despite these limitations, and even without proposing to change the proprietary, hereditary, mercantile and exploitation bases of capitalism, to the internal current of the Morenoist government and those who from the sphere of public opinion strive to cultivate the culture of criticism and self-criticism has no other route than to persist in the effort. Whether they censor it openly or covertly or pretend, like Salinas, neither to see nor to hear it.
It is possible that from the Presidency of the Republic, Claudia Sheinbaum understands the reasons and effects of civilization and socio-political innovation of that culture. From the outset, she predicts a new sensitivity to continue enriching the positive axes of the Workerism and to discard those that became failures or false solutions to the purposes of amendment, real change and substantial difference with previous governments.
For now, and given that every novelty produces a cost that translates into resistance and attacks, the left – regardless of what its ideological definition might be – would have to prepare to accompany and defend the new President: first of all, from everything act of violence perpetrated by nationals or foreigners, or both, and then the inertia that activates within the 4T, nourished by opportunism, chameleonism, simulation, corruption, theft, deception and betrayal.