Love is felt in the air. And also the lack of love, judging by three parties that run alone and distanced from their respective presidential candidates.
COUNTRY FOR SOME
The separation of assets is increasingly evident in País Para Todos, especially after the electoral strip scandal, an affair where Carlos Álvarez was on the verge of renouncing his candidacy.
There was even a rumor of a complete separation, including a coup d’état, just over a week ago. The rumble had two opposing versions. In one of them, the troika made up of Sheput, Falconí and Príncipe planned to take a hit on Vladimir Meza, owner of the party. In another, the comedian and his producer took the floor from Meza to offer the match to another expectant candidate. Both versions were openly denied.
What does seem to be true is that the party lives up to its name. The division would place Martín Soto and Julia Príncipe in the comedian’s wing. Perhaps that is why Álvarez has only dedicated himself to promoting his people, that is, those who he considers his guests on the lists. Those already mentioned are joined by Susana Castañeda, Daniel Ponce and the former comic actress Sara Manrique. The latter, with a showbiz past, has gone unnoticed by the press. With all of them he has recorded promotional videos.
On the other side is the organic party. All rallying around Vladimir Meza. For practical purposes, each group runs its own campaign on its own. “It is a situation similar to what happens in APRA,” says a commentator from inside.
BROKEN STAR
Upon the death of Haya de la Torre in 1979, the party suffered an identity crisis. In 1980 there were two Fraternity Day rallies. And the Lamberg Case ended up sharpening the contradictions and accelerating the renewal of APRA, hitting old leaders such as Jorge Idiáquez and Fernando León de Vivero. The emergence of Alan García ended up bringing about a change in the old party. After winning the Organization Secretary from Carlos Enrique Melgar, young Alan retired the generation before his. That brought him many enemies, from his contemporaries to the oldest, including those who previously ignored him, like Javier Valle Riestra.
What did Alan do to make up for the hate he had generated? He called out certain strategic sectors, including the older ones who had distanced themselves from Haya due to its supposed “right-wing.” She looked for Carlos Delgado and Magda Portal, but the former died very soon and the latter refused to return. He also called Valle Riestra himself, who had left the rebel APRA and returned to the fold. Finally, he called Luis Felipe de las Casas, former Velasquista ambassador, and brought him back (years later, the “sectarian” Luis de las Casas would die in Congress, defending the nationalization of Alan’s bank).
Alan built bridges with his former enemies, with the oldest (he appointed the oldest of them all, Luis Alberto Sánchez, as vice president), with his contemporary former rivals and even with the ex-apristas who had gone with Velasco. Here is an example for the young Enrique Valderrama if he still wants to continue in the electoral race and is not already thinking about the general secretary. Valderrama is too separated from the old leaders of the party who have even begun to attack him. Perhaps Valderrama believes that these criticisms only polarize his figure and reinforce him. Which is true in the short term. But in the long run, the party will end up imploding.
PPC WITHOUT CHIABRA
After the Velasco affair, the PPC decided to take a healthy distance from General Roberto Chiabra. That is why he always comes out to talk about the young figure of Javier Bedoya Denegri. In the Pepecista internal there are those who believe that Chiabra was a mistake. And for a change, no one wants to take it on. Perhaps that is why it is notorious that the candidate campaigns through separate channels from the party. And since it is an alliance of National Unity, in the midst of chaos, it happens.
This divorce is still regrettable, especially considering the eloquence of Chiabra, who is much more versed than José Williams. Williams, however, has been able to capitalize on this setback. And that is why he has criticized Velasco on more than one occasion. It would be convenient to understand that Chiabra’s supposed “Velasquism” is nothing more than military institutionalism. Along those lines, it is likely that Chiabra will also be lenient with Odría and Sánchez Cerro. I hope the young Bedoya smokes the pipe of peace with Chiabra, just as his grandfather did the same with Velasco in a scene from realpolitik. Everything is for the good of the old party that runs the risk of disappearing.
