A compelling example was the electoral reform of 2007–2008. That reform incorporated practically all the approaches of the PRD, then the party of Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The IFE councilors were removed, the political communication model was redesigned, private contracting of propaganda was expressly prohibited and, crucially, the electoral process was shielded from the intervention of the Executive Branch. The government agreed to step aside to regain confidence. That was consensus. That was opposition influencing the rules. That was a democratic reform.
That is why the electoral reform that is announced today from Claudia Sheinbaum’s entourage sets off all the alerts. These are not technical adjustments or administrative modernization to save resources. Its origin is political and its design comes from the Executive Branch. A presidential commission, headed by a member of the party in power and made up of members of the same party, is outlining the rules of the electoral process. In fact, the government pretends to be player and referee at the same time.
In democracy, the form matters as much as the substance. An electoral reform designed by the Executive, without plural consensus or authentic deliberation, is born flawed. It doesn’t matter how many times you repeat that you are looking to “save” or “simplify.” When the person in power designs the rules of the game, the possibilities of manipulation are very high. Electoral rules do not belong to the government; They belong to the parties and the citizens, and must be built in Congress, with real opposition, public debate and open parliament.
Although there is still no official document or formal opinion, the president herself, as well as various legislators and spokespersons for Morena, including Pablo Gómez, have shamelessly made clear the meaning and scope of the reform they intend to promote.
