Today: December 5, 2025
October 21, 2025
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Víctor García Takes: "Bukele is Bukele and Jerí still doesn’t know if he is Jerí. “It’s an enigma.”

Víctor García Takes: "Bukele is Bukele and Jerí still doesn't know if he is Jerí. "It's an enigma."

Will the Government survive the protests?

It is desirable that the Government can survive the protests. Not because of the Government itself, but because the country needs to achieve a climate of stability to achieve the renewal of its authorities within a democratic framework. I believe that these protests will become delegitimized to the extent that the use of violence will scare away a good part of those who, in good faith, have participated in them.

Was there a lack of police intelligence to prevent that tragic death? Requisitions, for example.

The important thing is that action has been taken quickly and the alleged aggressor has been identified. Now, we will have to analyze the context in which this death occurred. The interesting thing is that it has been determined that, not being a function crime, this will be known to the civil authorities. Despite all the efforts that were made so that the march could be controlled, it is evident that it can be improved even more.

The president carries out operational operations, copying Bukele, but there is no plan against crime.

The first gestures have been positive. There has been a greater degree of communication and rapprochement with the population. But, obviously, Bukele is Bukele and Jeri still don’t know if it is Jeri. It’s an enigma. And I think that in the time he has left, which is not much, he will have to take on his own identity. I hope so.

Should President Jerí step aside?

I think it was good for the hassle. Peru needs stability, maturity and responsibility. This is a time that should be designated so that citizens could deeply understand the programs, plans, identity and origin of the candidates, in order to choose appropriately. And Mr. Jerí, who is in charge of the presidency, must stay in these six months to guarantee a climate of normality. This would not be achieved with a new change.

The ghost of ‘Merinazo’ returns. How to deal with instability?

On the issue of instability, first of all, a deep sense of civility is required on the part of the population. Democracy requires gestures and attitudes that come from the street. Political parties, if they are genuinely democratic, must cast their lot in the electoral process and not be at the mercy of these vicissitudes that we thought we had overcome. The ‘Merinazo’ will not be repeated for a very simple reason: I think we have learned something from that process. And although it appears that it is about to happen again, we are already chastened and we are sure that, in the most difficult hours, the parties and citizens will know how to assume our role and defend democracy.

The Government has announced a state of emergency. What powers will the Police and the Armed Forces have?

In recent years, this measure has been applied that has not brought any results and has harmed the lives of many people. Let’s hope that this time the state of emergency has other characteristics that imply other types of actions and responses from the Government. Will the president have the imagination and even the courage to do it? We will see it soon.

How to get out of the eternal political crisis?

If before, in the time of Martín Adán, it was said that we have returned to normality because dictatorships were installed, now we can say, like Martín Adán, that we are back to normality because we have returned, since 2016 or 2017, to a new political crisis. And it is a crisis that is increasingly intense, because the political party system does not offer any guarantee. And because the helplessness, hopelessness and lack of civility of the population also contributes to that. And now, the growing climate of citizen insecurity that, wrapped up within an atypical electoral process with 39 political parties and with the active participation of criminal groups that have some interest in having a share of power with the new government, makes it very complicated.

It’s the new normal. But unlike the ‘Merinazo’, the cow is not popular.

We have never had such low levels of popularity or citizen support. The Government was supported by an implicit alliance with at least three political forces in Parliament that, although they gave it governability, had turned the Government into a prebendary loot. But, as the insecurity crisis worsened, the president’s powers and frivolity increased. And as the electoral process approached, they released her without a parachute. And there we are.

Some analysts spoke of a “vacancy motion.” Was it an almost emotional reaction?

No, I think it was clearly rational. The Government could not stop crime, and neither could more be expected from a cabinet lacking skills and competencies. There were not many expectations. I think it was a reasoned and pragmatic calculation of these political forces. They said: “Well, we have to let the dead man go.” So as not to have to carry it until the electoral process. That’s what has happened.

Agua Marina was influential, but also Butters in Puno. And the electoral calendar.

First, the statements. An Interior Minister cannot tell public opinion: “Why are we going to strike if there has only been one death?” Then, the president of the republic, who did not turn out to be correct, as almost always, and launched that famous phrase that “we must not answer the call of criminals.” Then came the Butters thing and it all piled up.

There were no parachutes. There was no contingency plan or replacement. That was a mistake.

Definitely. Mrs. Boluarte’s worst problem is that she was not aware of the reality in which she lived. She had been placed in a bubble, she had surrounded herself with the apachurririto ministers, each one more incompetent than the other, who of course filled her with flattery. And some with larger anticuchos than those served by Mrs. Grimanesa in Miraflores. And there was not the slightest willingness to change and look for more suitable people. In that context it was inevitable that this would happen.

Would a change in the board of directors have been a better scenario? Admiral José Cueto?

I think it was possible. Now with serenity, if we are going to take that step, let’s at least take it with greater seriousness. And let’s look for a figure who could somehow generate a greater degree of expectation, hope and optimism on the part of the population. I think Chiabra, Cueto or Dr. Echaíz. There were some personalities from Parliament.

Especially military.

The moment lends itself because people are looking for a government with authority. And the military is designed for that. But they are military democrats. That’s the guarantee there was.

“YOU CAN’T ASK FOR MORE”

Let’s talk about the cabinet.

I think the decision is very good. Ernesto Alvarez. He is a person whom I know quite a bit. He is a person with firm ideas, but that does not mean that he does not have enough flexibility to reach approaches and agreements with those who disagree with him. He has political experience, he has been a member of the PPC. He has a clear ideological vision. He has administrative experience. He was president of the Constitutional Court. And until recently he was dean of one of the most important law schools. So, he is not someone who is going to learn from primary school. You already have some training and, well, you’re going to have to take an accelerated course.

It is a cabinet of former vice ministers…

Hugo de Zela seems great to me. He is someone who is already retired, but has a clear command of foreign policy and international relations. He has served the country seriously and diligently. The rest of the people fall into the logic of the Humala government. When Humala ran out of his bank, he decided to prepare his Council of Ministers based on the senior management officials of the different departments. He had an advantage. Because vice ministers already know bureaucratic management, they are informed of what is happening in their sector and they are close to the personnel with whom they will work. The only thing you have to see is if they have the political waist. Because they clearly have the technical waist.

The political weight will fall on Ernesto Álvarez.

Clear. Plus, it’s six months. What do we ask of this Government? That substantially improves the issue of citizen security. And clean elections. You can’t ask for more. There will not be time nor will the Government have much of a back.

What awaits Dina Boluarte? He didn’t leave. Are you going to allege political persecution?

It is clear that the lady is neither able nor willing to leave. I know her somewhat. He has the courage and determination to stand up and fight. He has good lawyers. And he has, unfortunately, a goalkeeper. And I say “unfortunately” because those who carry out the acts of supervision and judgment must be characterized by their impartiality. But there is an enmity there that both have seasoned. And that will be felt. I am referring to the case of Dr. Delia Espinoza. But it is a process that will last for good years.

There is a debate about our semi-presidential design. Should it be changed?

It’s not the time. But perhaps in the medium term it will be necessary to make reforms in the relationship between the Executive and Legislature, in the judicial system and in the decentralization process. Those are the three big problems that our Constitution has. But today we are experiencing a problem of electoral configuration. If we held the parliamentary elections in the second round, we would be ensuring the Government a parliamentary majority or a significant minority that would allow it to defend it and serve as a bridge with the opposition sectors.

How to vote in France…

Like in France. But it happens that since 2016 the governments do not have a majority. And if they have it, like Peru Libre, then comes the diaspora, dispersion and transfuguism. Therein lies the immediate problem. How to ensure that the party that obtains the Executive Branch has a certain support in the Legislative Branch?

The opposite could happen: that the enemies come together to not give all power in Congress to the elected president. Here people vote for the anti.

It could happen, but that would be much more conscious and reasoned in any case.

When the president does not win the parliamentary majority, there is a vacancy, resignation or dissolution. In 2006 it was the exception and you were there. APRA managed Congress for five years without a majority.

APRA has strength and skill, it knows how to move, defend itself and establish alliances. With four parliamentarians they moved Congress. And, for his part, Vitocho. We have to look for parties and politicians of that level. Politics is lacking.

If not, we will have a perpetual vacancy.

Before it was the perpetual orgy for power, now it is the perpetual orgy for vacancy. The vacancy due to moral incapacity has added another chip to the soup. Because now it is also caused by ineptitude, arrogance and frivolity. These are serious faults, but they have nothing to do with article 113. If they are not corrected, they will deepen the instability.

DELIA ESPINOZA. For VGT, the Attorney General’s Office is politicized.

“The word ‘legal certainty’ is no longer known. That does not exist”

The Judiciary ordered the reinstatement of Delia Espinoza.

The Judiciary never ceases to surprise us. The word “legal security” is no longer known. That doesn’t exist. It is a tombola or a tinka to be able to know if you are going to win or lose. The law has little to do with it. This decision obviously has a political nuance. But it necessarily has to be respected. And it is important that it be respected in order to further expose Dr. Espinoza’s deficiencies and omissions. Because when she was affected by an administrative decision, she went to the media that we already know and that have left the image of the Public Ministry tarnished. And now it is his responsibility—and this is what Tomás Gálvez has said he is going to do—to hand over the office to him. And, well, the process continues. Because the surprises don’t end here. It is a precautionary measure. We will see what happens in the first and second instances. In the future, we must begin a serious process of depoliticization of the justice system. The truth is that judges cannot have political flags. They cannot have prejudices or ideological interests. That has done a lot of damage to the country. And it is still alive.

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