The plan proposes breaking six decades of state control to return property, initiative and lost prosperity to Cubans.
MADRID, Spain.- After detailing the political and civic axes of the National Salvation Plan—the national strike and the formation of a transitional government—, the document promoted by the Assembly of the Cuban Resistance (ARC) incorporates a third decisive component: economic liberation, conceived as the material basis of citizen sovereignty. This section, titled “Economic Liberation Plan,” establishes a roadmap that seeks to “return full sovereignty to the people of Cuba” and guarantee that Cubans “recover their voice in major economic decisions and control over their property, work, and their own economic initiatives.”
The text defines the transition as an “inexorable transition from socialism (or centrally planned economy) to a free economy (or market economy)”, and emphasizes that this transformation must begin gradually, differentiating between reforms that are “essential and possible in the short term” and those of greater complexity that can only be realized in the medium or long term. The final objective, in the words of the Manifesto, is that economic recovery entails “the recovery of the subjective value of goods, an economic principle without which the economic sovereignty of citizens cannot be established.”
The return of private property as the basis of change
The first principle of the economic program is categorical: private property as an inalienable right. “The life, liberty and property of people take precedence over collective rights,” states the document, establishing a breaking point with the current socialist model. The defense of individual property is presented not only as an ethical foundation, but also as a necessary condition for economic reconstruction and the creation of a free and responsible citizenry.
In this sense, the plan proposes the restitution of national assets to their legitimate owners, the return of the land to those who work it and the liquidation of conglomerates controlled by political power, such as the military business group GAESA. The dissolution of these structures is described as an essential step to “neutralize the reserve of liquid repression of the previous regime” and allow an equitable redistribution of wealth through public bonds and transparent mechanisms of citizen participation in privatization.
A small State and transparent taxation
The second axis of the economic proposal is the profound reform of the state apparatus, which the Manifesto defines as the transition towards “a small State with an efficient social network that addresses emergencies but does not become the only engine of the economy.” The idea is not to eliminate the functions of the State, but to limit its ideological and bureaucratic reach, reducing its parasitic weight on the national economy.
In line with this, the plan proposes a prudent fiscal policy, with low taxes and a simple structure – a “flat tax” or single rate –, accompanied by budget transparency. “Expenses cannot exceed income in the short and medium term,” warns the document, proposing a radical change with respect to the chronic deficit of the current Cuban system.
This vision is reinforced by Orlando Gutiérrez-Boronat, coordinator of the ARC, who maintains that the new model must allow “Cubans to once again be masters of their own national existence, in every sense.” In his analysis, the State must “protect the sovereignty of Cubans, their rights and help the weakest,” but without becoming an ideological instrument or a burden for citizens. “The State must be reduced so that it fulfills its function, period,” he emphasizes.
Deregulation, privatization and free market
One of the most recurring concepts in Gutiérrez-Boronat’s presentation is that of deregulation. As he explains, “once the barriers imposed by the absurd regulations of the Communist Party are removed, Cuban creativity can begin to develop and flow.” For the leader, “the Cuban is very entrepreneurial, he faces problems, he is creative. Every time the economy has been deregulated, it prospers.”
The Salvation Plan coincides with that diagnosis. It proposes a deep deregulation process to “promote innovation and the emergence of new companies and ventures,” with the aim of building an environment similar to that of countries with greater business agility. He cites examples such as Estonia and Chile, where opening a business takes just a few days. The elimination of monopolies, the end of corporate subsidies and the transparent sale of state-owned companies are listed as indispensable steps to free the economy.
In parallel, a phased privatization program is proposed. Public and semi-public companies would be transferred to the private sector, promoting competition and avoiding corruption. In the words of Gutiérrez-Boronat, this process must incorporate the population through participatory mechanisms: “As the Czech Republic or Poland did, Cubans on the island must participate in privatization and gain from privatization.”
The opposition leader adds that this requires “a quick audit of which are the real companies, which are the reliable ones, which are the unreliable ones and to be able to quickly proceed to reorganize them, close some and privatize others.” To avoid the capture of the process by particular interests, the supervision of the National Salvation Council is planned, the collegiate body in charge of conducting the transition.
Monetary reform and independent banking
The document devotes special attention to monetary policy. One of its central points is the creation of an independent Central Bank, in charge of stabilizing the currency and guaranteeing financial confidence. The possibility of dollarizing the economy is contemplated during the first stage of reconstruction, as a shock measure that provides credibility and curbs inflation.
“The dollar will have legal tender as it is a market policy that must be part of the process,” the text states. Likewise, the Manifesto proposes the closure of communist banking institutions and the opening of “transparent” financial entities that adjust to the international banking system.
Gutiérrez-Boronat agrees with this line and considers that the privatization of banks is essential to end the mechanisms of political control: “The existing banks are a tool of power for the regime. A new bank must be created that responds to the interests of users, that responds to the value of work and a new national currency.” In his opinion, dollarization could be “a very effective strategy to get Cuba out of the banking instability and hyperinflation that the people currently suffer.”
Geoeconomic integration with the United States and the free world
The geoeconomic component occupies a strategic place within the plan. The proposal emphasizes that economic integration with the United States is “inexorable and a comparative advantage that Cuba must take advantage of.” This relationship, interrupted by more than six decades of political confrontation, is seen as key to the country’s recovery.
Gutiérrez-Boronat maintains that “it was evil to distance Cuba from its natural market.” For this reason, he proposes moving towards a scenario in which both countries can “return to being trading partners,” even exploring the creation of “an economic and judicial community” with the United States. The opposition leader also mentions the need to open ties with Europe, Asia and “democratic countries like Taiwan”, interested in investing in the reconstruction of the Island.
Free trade, both internal and external, is described in the Manifesto as an essential short and medium term policy. The document suggests reducing tariffs unilaterally and moving towards free trade agreements, with special priority in an eventual agreement with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This opening seeks, in the words of Gutiérrez-Boronat, that “Cuba prefers trade and not aid,” following the Estonian model.
Leveraging comparative advantages: health and education
Beyond macroeconomics, the plan proposes sectoral strategies aimed at taking advantage of existing capabilities in key areas. One of them is health, which despite the deterioration of the system, retains significant human capital. The Manifesto suggests attracting the American population over 60 years of age—a growing segment with purchasing power—to receive medical care in Cuba at competitive costs. This sector, the text says, could become “an engine of the economy of the non-immediate transition.”
Likewise, it is proposed to promote a “boom” in the education economy, offering undergraduate and graduate programs to young Latin Americans and North Americans at more accessible prices than in their countries of origin. This vision aims to transform knowledge into an exportable asset and strengthen the international projection of Cuba as an academic destination.
Agrarian reform and food sovereignty
The document dedicates a specific section to agriculture, written with contributions from the Latin American Federation of Rural Women (FLAMUR) and the League of Independent Peasants of Cuba. The objective is to “reestablish agribusiness and become self-sustainable in terms of food again.”
To achieve this, it is proposed to return property titles “to all agricultural producers” and guarantee basic freedoms: “Freedom for the production and distribution of our products; freedom to set prices according to the market; freedom to import and export directly; eliminate all taxes on food producers and processors for ten years.”
This point is articulated with the general principle of the plan: only through property and economic freedom can the citizen be sovereign.
Towards citizen economic sovereignty
The economic approach of the National Salvation Plan, more than a set of technical measures, is presented as a redefinition of the Cuban social contract. Gutiérrez-Boronat sums it up by stating that the objective is for “the Cuban to go from being a proletarian to becoming an owner,” giving him back control over his destiny and the value of his work.
The proposal combines economic liberalization with elements of distributive justice, by promoting popular participation in privatization and reconstruction. But it also poses significant challenges: from the need to build reliable institutions to the risk of inequalities in the transition process.
The Manifesto implicitly recognizes these tensions, distinguishing between what is “essential but not possible” in the short term and what is “inexorable” in the medium or long term. This gradualness, more than a weakness, could be one of the keys to ensuring that reconstruction does not lead to a new social fracture.
The National Salvation Plan proposes a paradigm shift: from a state-controlled and dependent economy to a model based on individual freedom, private property and integration with the democratic world. His vision of economic reconstruction seeks not only to restore production and commerce, but also to restore the dignity of the citizen as a free economic subject.
As Gutiérrez-Boronat summarizes, “if the change is real, if we have clear, transparent and transparent conditions for the people of Cuba and for the international community, the investment comes, the money comes.” That trust—in the talent and entrepreneurial capacity of the Cuban—is the foundation of the economic liberation that the plan proposes as the final step on the path to a free Cuba.
