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or I can see, less to Understand, where the IV-T want to go. I wonder if what we see today in Mexico is a kind of political revolution that does not say its name or barely muscle it when their representatives speak with emotion of the people who daily sponsor or make, depending on the case, deep changes in power and its uses or in the distributive forms of wealth and income, etc.
The almost pathological emphasis on the yesterday, from which they have generously freed us is trocks in strange silence, when not ominous, when they run into the wall of regrets from which, we assume, a brilliant future will emerge. However, before the not few Mexicans of the common, these great landslides do not appear, among other things, because the political mutations that are proclaimed from the domes of power are not seen. If the past finally made mutis, the future expects a turn.
True, the scenes are mounted; Great gestures and called to action, but there are no objectives or goals, nor are purposes out of the routes beyond the routes that hypothetically draw for us those of the people. This, no matter how much we are distressed, has preferred the bustling assistance to the concentrations called by the constituted power, and some others have participated in those curious or strange votes that very few dare to count and less evaluate regarding their organization, fidelity and respect for the vote. Not to mention its democratic congruence.
Now we enter the unknown territories of an electoral reform without contours or foreseeable scopes, but that in its firstfruits seems carrier of lousy messages for the yearnings of genuine representation. These seemed to have been coming in the claims cultivated by that mass political society that has emerged in and from the successive days of construction of a legitimate and promising representative democracy and yes, liberal, although the social and economic claim, postponed or submitted, has not appeared to give it the qualification of authentic social democracy.
The naturalization and centrality of this perspective that is cultivated in the centuries of homeland history remains subjected to the libertist superchery, as the great Norberto Bobbio will call it. Not even the minimum wage could be implemented in the marriage of capitalist commercial production, because its venture assimilation by the economy was not well received by capital, until the hard acts of the national political economy made the rudimentary of the arguments sustained against an elementary but venturous salary review evident.
The reform that urges us to give stability veins to a social formation crossed by inequality and stagnation is that of the State in its fiscal dimension and the conduct of the economic political process.
We have to provide the state of sufficient resources to attend the rescue of rusty productive processes and comply with the constitutional obligations of social justice. Only with a state fiscally healthy and sanitized, with effective resources, may popular political participation, with everything and its poorly trained and worse accustomed elites, begin to prohibit electoral results that make participation a daily and productive practice.
Achieving the above is inconceivable while the government remains tied to economic prejudices despite the fact that, the president has told us, with the fourth transformation came to an end the neoliberal night. If so, Mexico has to manage to define new and legitimate channels for the organized participation of society, that social policies take the reins of their interests and recover the state and political reformist initiative.
Without giving course to a genuine policy of redistribution of income, or making the fight against inequality a strategic vector for the growth of the economy, as axis of another vision of development, it will be difficult to deed inequality and speak with justice and truth of a full exercise of the social rights that our constitution mandates.
If we focused on opening the political system to processes of this nature, we could celebrate the beginning of a true, credible, political transformation phase well established in a social structure in a position to make its participation an effective, and permanent component, in the decisive circuits of accumulation and social and productive redistribution. Such would be a great historical transformation without discursive triquiñuelas or ideological mystifications.
If you do not undertake this task, what there will be will be another masquerade, false steps in pursuit of a democracy without adjectives or objectives. Without reflections or solidarity provisions with the nation as a whole. Incompetence to make democracy credible and recreate it through social justice, dialogue and strengthening our institutions.
Hugo Hiriart, a literate and joyful life, one one to the celebration more than deserved
