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September 9, 2024
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Francisco Colmenares: The Judiciary and the 1968 trials

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After countless In the course of judicial proceedings by Committee 68 for Democratic Freedoms, represented by Raúl Álvarez Garín and Félix Hernández Gamundi, against public officials, headed by former President of the Republic Luis Echeverría and others for acts constituting the crime of genocide of 1968, in a session of December 5, 2007, the first chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation resolved not to exercise its power to attract file 132/2007 of that complaint, considering that the matter was of no importance.

The complicity of the judiciary in the face of flagrant abuses and violations of constitutional rights since the student movement began in 1968 allowed the actions of the repressive forces to reach terrifying levels on the evening and night of October 2 with the massacre in the Plaza de Tlatelolco. This impunity against a peaceful student movement began on July 26 with the brutal repression of polytechnic students and the arrest of Party and Young Communist Party members without arrest warrants, and then with house searches without a court order, the bazooka attack and break-in at the Preparatory School 1 building, violating university autonomy, with the military occupation of the UNAM facilities at Ciudad Universitaria and the Santo Tomás and Zacatenco campuses of the IPN, with the intermittent armed attacks carried out by military personnel from the Presidential General Staff against students guarding the educational facilities, and finally with the state crime in Tlatelolco, where more than a thousand students and those attending the rally were arrested, including many leaders of the National Strike Council (CNH), and the bodies of murdered students were cremated to hide the magnitude of the event.

A year after that genocide, the President of the Republic, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, in his 1969 government report, declared that he was assuming fully personal, ethical, social, legal, political, and historical responsibility for the government’s decisions in relation to the events of 1968. Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, President of the Republic, was undoubtedly responsible for the massacre in Tlatelolco, but he was not the only one. The Public Prosecutor’s Office never proceeded to question and accuse members of the police or the Army or their leaders of illegal acts and abuse of authority during the student movement of 1968. It was a cover for the arbitrary acts and violence, recognizing as legalon repeated occasions, statements of ours obtained under torture and in clandestine safe houses or at the facilities of Military Camp 1.

Today, after 56 years, the actors and those responsible for that violence against the student movement of 1968 have not been tried nor have they served the punishments established in criminal law. The Judiciary continues to be the guardian and cover for those atrocities authorized from the highest level of the Executive Branch, as the President of the Republic cynically acknowledged a year later before the Chamber of Deputies, amidst the resounding applause of his representatives and all the guests and legislators of the PRI and the PAN. That impunity that the Judiciary protected and covered up opened the door, once again, to another massacre, that of June 10, 1971, in which according to Alfonso Martínez Dominguez, while in a meeting at Los Pinos with President Luis Echeverría, the latter gave instructions when referring to dead people so that the crematedwhich years later generated the worst regression in the history of Mexico with violence against young guerrillas in the sinister period known as dirty war and when a group of criminals came to power, they dedicated themselves to auctioning off and privatizing public companies and the ejido, to reducing the real wages of workers and to opening the doors to drug trafficking to unprecedented levels, in collusion with powerful power groups in the United States.

In memory of that heroic youth of 1968 and to contribute to eradicating the impunity and corruption of power and big capital, as mandated by the recent electoral vote that gave Claudia Sheinbaum an unchallengeable victory for President of the Republic, let us support the initiative of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador to radically change the Judicial Branch, from the Public Ministry to the magistrates of the Supreme Court and the penitentiary system that so threatens the freedom and dignity of the poorest.

Neither forgiveness nor forgetfulness!

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