AND
n the opening session of the 64th Legislature, on September 1, 2018, the coordinator of the PAN deputies, Juan Carlos Romero Hicks, said that the country was not facing a time of change, but rather in the face of a change of era: the era of the left in power, the era of the virtual materialization of their convictions and of the dream of a homeland that they had for a long time, through long and intense struggles.
. And when addressing the legislators of Morena, which was making its debut as the majority force in San Lázaro, he gave them the following greeting: “We greet this new alternation without meanness, because in many ways it is the concretization of those original and mutual democratic aspirations. On behalf of the legislators of the blue and white I extend my sincere congratulations to the Mexican left and its founders for this victory.”
For her part, PRI senator Claudia Ruiz Massieu said on behalf of her party that it would henceforth be a brave, critical and constructive opposition, but offered that the government that would begin two months later would have the support of the benches. tricolors Because as a government we know the selfishness of the opposition that rejects everything just for the sake of it. These attitudes are from small parties and the PRI is a big party.
. But the booing of the Morena supporters was not long in coming when he stated without a trace of shame that the legislative agenda promoted by the tricolor and by the government of Peña Nieto, that you criticized and rejected, will serve as scaffolding for the new government
. He earned the response from Mario Delgado, then coordinator of the Morena deputies: They leave our house very dirty, even if they paint it white.
And much dirtier, by the way, than one could have imagined. It was necessary to arrive at the inauguration of the new government, office by office, to visualize the terrible rot to which the neoliberal governments led the institutions.
I have the impression that the PRI-PAN members They tried to sweeten their bitter transition to the opposition with a haughty fantasy: that if the old regime had finally done Andrés Manuel López Obrador the favor of not stealing the Presidency from him, the Tabasco native would have to reciprocate, in gratitude, by governing with the neoliberal program that he had denounced for 18 years. After all, the Prianism He used to betray his campaign promises more or less systematically: do you remember that Zedillo I knew how to do it
that Fox would preside over a government of change
or that Calderon would be the president of employment
?
That impression is reinforced now, when the very small opposition PRI-PAN member (in six years it went from having 38.67 percent of the votes separately to only 27.45 together) is throwing a tantrum because the president-elect, Claudia Sheinbaum, plans to fulfill the popular mandate she received on June 2, very particularly, that of promoting the reconfiguration and sanitation of the Judicial Branch for which the country cries out.
And just as they did not believe that AMLO was really willing to discard the old regime and lead the construction of a new republican order, and just as they did not want to give him credit when he expressed his determination not to seek re-election by any means, now they continue to refuse to surrender to the evidence that the President will retire from public life, as he promised, within a month.
On September 1, 2018, the delivery of Peña Nieto’s last report went practically unnoticed. In reality, it was of no importance because, true to his custom, the man from the State of Mexico almost secretly sent a bunch of lies and platitudes to Congress. In contrast, next Sunday, in the capital’s Zócalo, López Obrador will read a historic document because, as can be assumed, it will summarize the presidential vision of the first stage of the revolution that he has had to lead. And yes, revolution: in these six years the country has experienced and been the protagonist of a vast transformation. Romero Hicks was right when he indicated, six years ago, that the country was not facing a time of change, but rather a change of time.
Mexico is approaching an unprecedented change in which the outgoing president and the incoming president share the project of the nation. As there are not and will not be confrontations or tensions between the institutional leaders who leave and those who come in, and as the Prianism The partisan nature of the party has been reduced to almost irrelevance; the national and transnational oligarchic corruption faction seeks to generate end-of-term turbulence from its disinformation media, from the presidency of the Judiciary, which has become a spurious political trench, and from the American interest groups that move ambassadors, legislators, foundations, and conservative think tanks around like pawns.
Unfortunately, the country is busy with something else: specifically, waiting for the sixth and final report of the most beloved president in history since General Cárdenas.
