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September 7, 2022
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José Blanco: The revolution of consciences

Adjustments in 44% of the first circle of the President

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with the crowd of created interests against and through titanic work, the main works of the government of the 4T have been carried out, the count of which is contained in the fourth Government Report. Illegitimate interests such as those of historically venal judges, magistrates and ministers; or like those of PRIAN, now willing only to block the substantive work in Congress; or like those of the large private capitals accustomed to corrupt income, from Mexicans and foreigners, all together will continue as tireless fences against a project that seeks to bring some social justice to the most.

The best political fruit of the 4T is the revolution of consciences. It is doubtful that there minimized political illiteracy, as the President says; surely there is a vast political work to be done, moving forward. The remaining years of this six-year term, and those of the next, will be crucial: the sense of collective power – power over the present and the future, power over the elected government – ​​can prefigure another country, and must be consolidated. It is necessary to add territorial and sectoral organization to the most. Let participatory democracy grow, let the party that truly represents them be their party, let the militants be excluded from their personal interests. We lack a full State of human, individual and collective rights; rights that become acts continuously.

In our days, the configuration of an interregnum filled with uncertainties regarding the process by which the authority of Andrés Manuel will be transferred to Morena and the new government has begun. AMLO’s is a legitimate charismatic authority – in Max Weber’s terms – and a legally constituted political authority.

The first is not transferable; it depends on the consensus of those who build that authority in the figure of a leader. In a very long process, in time and geography, Andrés Manuel built a relationship of deep trust with broad masses of the Mexican people. In an imperceptible way, the masses created that leadership that expressed itself suddenly and with surprising force on July 1, 2018. That day AMLO achieved the political authority legitimized by the presidential election, and his charismatic authority became visible. For those who could see it.

The main strength of the President will not be transferred and, therefore, the form and scope of the 2024 presidential election takes on immense relevance. That strength, is the challenge, it must become trust, belief, certainty, real, towards Morena. This party, but also Andrés Manuel, have a responsibility and a fundamental task in making this happen, each working from their own sphere. A qualified majority in Congress is inexcusable to make profound reforms possible, in order to consolidate the bases that allow the majorities to maintain unified active control over the course of politics. It is evident that the opposition will only fight for power, and will not collaborate with a government that rejects neoliberalism.

Regime change, the flag raised by AMLO during his campaign, is still a necessary flag. Reforms are unavoidable to remove institutions occupied by neoliberal forces. Basic definitions are missing in the Political Constitution. It is necessary to update and debate concepts such as the social and democratic State of law; consider the scope, benefits and consensus among the governed, of a multinational definition of the Republic. Recognize the value of interculturality present in most of the territory. Define inclusive, supportive and parity democracy. Incorporate the relationship between freedom and dignity of human beings. To recover for all the lost relationship with nature, innate in the primitive communities of Mexico, and essential to vivify an ecological conscience that today is so pale in city dwellers…

Mexico needs precise redefinitions of its foundations that encompass, on an unavoidable level of equality, the vast Mexican social plurality. It is necessary that the Constitution declare and define the end of poverty and the responsibilities of the State in this task. In 2007 Jeffrey Sachs wrote: We are the first generation that can eliminate poverty; Let’s eliminate this unacceptable nonsense from Mexico.

A comprehensive reform of the Judiciary is lacking, like water to the thirsty; Ernesto Zedillo made one tailored to the neoliberal vision, without suppressing his inveterate corruption and his blind perfidy against the others.

The 4T broke the inertia against the majorities, but there are economic actors and political figureheads in Mexico inclined to recover it. They have not been hidden. They have acted free, uninhibited, left over, sure that those below are below and it is their business. The revolution of consciences must serve for a change of regime; one that does not produce such kind of despotic forces.

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