Bernardo Barranco V.
L
he 2023 elections in the state of Mexico have also become national elections. What real importance do they have? They are referred to as the mother of all elections, the jewel in the crown. They are aphorisms that play, with anxiety, the route of the presidential elections of 2024. As if the Edomex were a test with a bulky nominal list of more than 12 million voters. Actually, only half vote. However, in the election for governor in 2023, the survival of the PRI is at stake not only in the entity, but also on a national scale. The tricolor arrives depleted. It has a downward electoral trend. It has been defeated in midterm elections since 2016 and 2018. Despite a slight rebound in 2021, the party faces severe wear. It carries the discredit and political foolishness of Alito Moreno, its national leader. A ballast that is a reference, because it refreshes the memory of the mexiquenses, of corruption as the axis of the political practice of the PRI. The tricolor needs to survive the electoral alliance with the PAN and the PRD that, according to the guidelines of the INE, an alternation of gender must be agreed with the election of Coahuila. It seems that the future of the PRI is in the hands of the PAN. There are many questions about the viability of the alliance, there is already talk of a coalition government.
1. An atypical election. The political times of 2023 have advanced. The process formally begins in January. However, Morena uncovered Delfina Gómez eight months earlier and has forced all matches to speed up. The electoral and political times have rushed. There is disorder, caused by the desires and anxieties of the political actors. Hasty uncovering and avenues plagued with propaganda. Aspirants acting as candidates. An atmosphere of disorder is generated. An electoral carnival, because everyone has their choice to the satisfaction of the electoral authorities.
2. Uncover Delfina Gómez. In addition to having messed up the times of the process, a paradoxical phenomenon occurs. Delfina has remained silent, while everyone talks about her. The opposition, generous, has deployed an involuntary propaganda. Whoever thinks that Delfina transits in honey on flakes is wrong. Higinio Martínez, who had declared himself resigned and a good loser, now disputes control of the party in the entity.
3. Uncovering of PAN, PRD and MC candidates. The parties have uncovered their candidates. The PAN opted for Enrique Vargas, a local deputy and former mayor of Huixquilucan. The PRD by Omar Ortega, and Juan Cepeda was uncovered by MC. Vargas stands out, who embarrasses the PRI by formulating that he is the best positioned candidate against Morena. However, he has a long tail that gets stepped on. The PAN is in favor of the alliance, but does not rule out going alone in the contest. In the PRD, in the midst of its crisis, it has sectors that are also struggling to go it alone.
4. The PRI candidates. Everything indicates that they are the candidates Ana Lilia Herrera supported by the veteran Arturo Montiel and Alejandra del Moral, favored by Alfredo del Mazo. The dispute over the nomination seems intense. They have been public officials who have covered different positions for decades. Mayors, secretaries of state, deputies and senators. They are insiders, what new will they contribute? When they have been part of the nomenclature of Mexican power. They represent continuity, more of the same. They have been part of PRI governments that have plunged the entity into abandonment, inequality and citizen insecurity. They now hide behind a feminist discourse when many of us ask what they have done in their responsibilities to stop femicides in the entity.
5. Electoral alliance wavers. Each party brings their choice. They are parallel electoral universes. Enrique Vargas stretches the league with his Edomex leading route
. He has started his campaign in municipalities to meet the needs of the population
. It puts pressure on the PRI, which seems to bring another electoral clock. He does not decide for his applicant; there are bids; struggles, some say. Governor Del Mazo does not let himself be felt either, he takes care of the forms in excess, when everyone knows that he is the stellar voter. Internally, he is inclined that the candidate of the alliance in Edomex be a PRI member, but publicly he is sparing. The ballast for the alliance is the toxic presence of Alito, who at all costs pushes the Va por México alliance in Edomex. Green presumes promotion and tries to sell itself dearly to the highest bidder.
6. Electoral authority to mode. Both the IEEM and the electoral court are colonized by the ruling Mexican party. While the streets are packed with electoral propaganda, they remain mute in the face of anticipated campaign events. They legally protect themselves in that the process has not yet begun. Of the seven electoral advisers in the IEEM, six are manifestly PRI supporters. The PRI is not only the majority in the council, but also the owner of the institute with the eternal secretary Javer López Corral, who articulates the complicity of most of the representatives who are generously sponsored.
In short, we are facing an atypical election. Tense and cloudy. The PRI to win would reach 100 years in power of the entity. However, the numbers are against him and he has to use the PAN to risk his future.
