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he Marxist analysis of a particular socioeconomic and political situation goes through not staying in the epidermal, anecdotal and phenomenal, but highlighting the essential and structural. Prevent the characters and, above all, their narratives –imposed by the mass media and social networks– from prevailing against the weight of class correlation, hegemonic systems, capitalist and imperialist forms of accumulation, exploitation and domination and neocolonial, as well as the processes of antisystemic struggle and resistance of the peoples and the working classes.
For this reason, AMLO’s recent trip to the United States and its results must be observed from the historical relationship of structural dependence of Mexico with respect to our good neighbours
, same that has not been overcome by the government of the Fourth Transformation, which, in the bilateral meeting of presidents, promised to strengthen the North American Free Trade Agreement between Mexico, the United States and Canada, which the Permanent Court of Los Pueblos considers –in its historic Final Hearing: sentence, prosecutors and rapporteurships– as marked by the deep inequality between the economies of the countries that signed it, and that, like other neoliberal institutions, it is not designed to promote social good, and , on the contrary, “are agreements that raise the legal status of large investors and, simultaneously, link the economic power of the State to their interests, while eroding the commitment and options of national states to protect the citizenship (…) The transnational impunity that NAFTA regulates allows us to affirm that it is a tremendously violent treaty. The structural violence of the capitalist system – which allows the accumulation of wealth for a few at the expense of poverty and the environmental and cultural destruction of peoples – is incorporated transversally throughout the entire treaty” (Editorial Ítaca, 2016 ). This characterization contrasts with the perspective on NAFTA in the joint statement, which states that: “the basis of North American competitiveness is the Agreement between Mexico, the United States, and Canada, and we reaffirm our commitment to its full implementation in benefit of working families […] By coordinating our economic policies, we can make our supply chains more resilient and expand production in North America.” In the joint statement, Donald Trump’s claims that Mexico I had to pay for the wall
by announcing that Mexico has committed to investing $1.5 billion in border infrastructure between 2022 and 2024.
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It is also significant that, in the context of a repeated imposition of megaprojects in the territories by the current government, which recently declared the works of the Mayan Train to be national security, it is stated in that statement: We will focus our development efforts on climate solutions and the development of southern Mexico, with its vast human potential and important opportunities for trade, conservation and clean energy.
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Other recent events that show Mexico’s subordinate relationship with the United States did not go unnoticed. One, quite controversial, was the multinational military exercise of the US Southern Command, in the Mexican Caribbean Sea, from May 7 to 21 last, called Tradewinds, and the other was the sixth Meeting of General Staff of the Secretary of the Navy (Semar) and the United States Navy, in which 26 agreements were reached on operations, training, education, research and technological development, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, electronic warfare and maritime traffic. Semar stated that its relationship with the northern country is a priority and strategic
. Already last January, Jorge Alejando Medellín announced that the Mexican Army and Navy were strengthening their ties with the United States Northern Command, with joint operational groups at the highest level, to fine-tune cooperation mechanisms in security areas of bilateral interest. We recall in this regard the pioneering work of Carlos Fazio, The third link: from chaos theory to militarization (Joaquín Mortiz-Planeta, 1996), where it is exposed how Mexico is directly involved in the hemispheric security project led by the United States. It is possible to consider that, with the militarization policies of the current government and the visible subordinate role of the armed forces with respect to the Pentagon’s strategies, this third link of dependency in the military sphere has been completed, in addition to the economic and political ones. .
